提分必备:2021年考研初试政治模拟试题(2020-09-17)

发布时间:2020-09-17


目前,2021年考研初试备考还剩下最后的三个月。在这段时间内,小伙伴们除了加快复习进度之外,也要注意适当增加试题练习的强度,了解考试内容哦。下面,51题库考试学习网为大家带来考研初试的一些模拟试题,正在备考的小伙伴赶紧练起来吧。

9.法国一位议员在辩论对华政策时指出:“中国地土广阔,民气坚韧。”“吾故谓瓜分之说,不啻梦呓也。”这段话表明帝国主义列强不能灭亡中国的根本原因是

A.帝国主义列强之间的矛盾

B.中华民族不屈不挠的反侵略斗争

C.自给自足的自然经济

D.封建专制制度

10.译编《四州志》,被誉为近代中国睁眼看世界的第一人是

A.魏源

B.林则徐

C.严复

D.孙中山

11.魏源的“师夷长技以制夷”中的“长技”主要指

A.政治制度

B.经济制度

C.军事和科学技术

D.生产方式

参考答案及解析

9.【答案】B

【考点】列强瓜分中国图谋的破产

【解析】帝国主义列强不能灭亡中国的根本原因在于中华民族进行的不屈不挠的反侵略斗争,所以答案选B。帝国主义列强之间的矛盾是帝国主义列强不能灭亡中国的重要原因,不是根本原因;自给自足的自然经济和封建专制制度是封建中国社会的主要特征,是无关干扰选项,所以AC项不选。

10.【答案】B

【考点】民族意识的觉醒

【解析】林则徐是近代中国睁眼看世界的第一人,组织编成《四洲志》,所以答案选B。魏源编成《海国图志》,提出了“师夷长技以制夷”的思想,主张学习外国先进的军事和科学技术,开创了中国近代向西方学习的新风;严复是近代中国第一位系统介绍西方资产阶级文化的启蒙思想家,写了《救亡决论》一文,翻译了《天演论》;孙中山喊出了“振兴中华”这个时代的最强音;所以ACD项不选。

11.【答案】C

【考点】民族意识的觉醒

【解析】鸦片战争后,先进的中国人开始睁眼看世界,魏源提出“师夷长技以制夷”,开创了中国近代向西方学习的新风。“师夷长技以制夷”,揭示了我们学习的内容——长技,即军事和科学技术;学习的对象——西方;学习的目的——抵制西方,所以答案选C。学习政治制度、经济制度、生产方式是维新派的主张,所以ABD项不选。

以上就是51题库考试学习网为大家带来的全部内容,希望能给大家一些帮助。51题库考试学习网提醒:以上内容仅为参考,在做试题练习时,小伙伴们还是要以考研大纲为准,有针对性的去做题哦。最后,51题库考试学习网预祝参加2021年考研初试的小伙伴都能取得优异的成绩。


下面小编为大家准备了 研究生入学 的相关考题,供大家学习参考。

Text 2 When Europe caught America's flu after 2008,bond markets picked off the euro's weakest members one by one.Greece,Portugal,Ireland and Spain were forced into bail-outs.Italy,the euro's third largest economy,tottered.Emergency funds were created,and the European Central Bank(ECB)implied it would create unlimited quantities of cash if needed,and the euro limped on.Today,growth is picking up and unemployment falling.But no one believes that the euro,which lacks the political and fiscal institutions typical of a currency area,can remain half-built forever.Investors are uncertain of its future,and governments have piled on debt since the last crisis,shrinking the space available to respond to the next one.The case for reform is much-talked about.The creation of the euro in 1999 denied its members the option of restoring competitiveness by devaluing.Labour-market mobility and fiscal transfers,which smooth the effects of shocks in other currency areas,were limited by rules and by culture.Bail-outs and belt-tightening were the prescribed solution for governments hit by sudden capital stops,which annoyed everyone:creditors resented opening their wallets;debtors contracted an acute case of austerity fatigue.The currency turned from an instrument of convergence between countries to a wedge driving them apart.Just compare Germany's unemployment rate with Greece's.All this created a legacy of mistrust that haunts the euro zone today.That helps explain why,despite this endless talk of troubles,conversations about euro-zone reform have gone nowhere.Indebted countries like Italy have grown addicted to the ECB's cheap money,ignoring pleas from Mario Draghi,the bank's president,to use the time he has bought them to reinvent their economies.Hardliners like Germany are more convinced than ever of the need for strict rules on spending and structural reform.Anxious officials wonder where the political impetus for a debate on the euro's future might come from.If the euro area is capable of taking advantage of good conditions,best to build confidence slowly.Start with the incomplete banking union,which still lacks a common deposit-insurance scheme(thanks to German objections),and a backstop for its resolution fund.The much-celebrated capital-markets union,which aims to reduce European firmsJ reliance on banks for finance,is only getting off the ground.Improving cross-border financial flows matters as much as the more contentious fiscal risk-sharing.In time,that might open the way to more radical changes.They will require the sort of political courage for which the euro zone has never been known,but it could turn out to be less painful than some suspect:polls find record support for the single currency among voters,and a surprising appetite for reform.Like self-hating addicts,governments have shivered in the euro zone's halfway house for too long,hooked up to Mr Draghi's monetary medicine and convincing themselves that they deserve no better.It is time to move on.
The author's attitude toward Mr Draghi's monetary policy is one of_____

A.appreciation
B.uncertainty
C.disapproval
D.tolerance
答案:C
解析:
[信息锁定]末段③④句指出德拉基货币政策下的各国犹如自我厌弃的瘾君子(无法戒除欧洲央行的救助资金,又无力走出危机摆脱这一现状).作者建议各国挣脱这一政策束缚,向前迈进(move on),积极改革。可见作者不认同德拉基的货币政策.C.正确。[解题技巧]A.与第三段③句addicted.~、末段③句self-hating addicts/hooked up to等词(组)表现出来的负面态度相悖。B.模棱两可的不确定态度、D.“德拉基货币政策虽有问题但总体可接受”的容忍态度,均与末段末句作者建议“各国(抛开政策束缚,)向前迈进”所体现的明确否定态度相悖。

持有教育万能论的教育家是(  )

A.马克思
B.爱尔维修
C.狄德罗
D.涂尔干
答案:B
解析:
法国教育家爱尔维修持这一主张,遭到马克思的批判。

2007 -68.十四经腧穴总数是
A.365 B.363 C.361 D.349

答案:C
解析:
C。《针灸甲乙经》记载经穴349个;《针灸大成》记载经穴359个;清代李学川的《针灸逢源》定经穴361个,延续至今。

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