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With a sense of crisis mounting and the EU unable to respond, countries will be increasingly inclined
to act unilaterally or even---in the case of Britain--leave the bloc altogether.
The refugee crisis is already threatening cherished ideas about open borders. In the past couple of days, Germany has reimposed frontier controls with Austria---which, in turn, has imposed controls at its border with Hungary, which itself is working feverishly to complete a barbed-wire
fence to protect its frontier with non-EU Serbia. Controls have been tightened on the French-Italian borders, while migrants camp miserably in Calais, hoping to cross to England.
If the EU somehow gets a grip on the migrant crisis, these measures might be no more than temporary expedients. But if the pressure of would-be refugees heading for Europe remain intense, then temporary measures could harden into permanent controls.
Questions marks over open borders will easily shade into wider issues about access to welfare systems and labor markets. That is because EU countries are realizing that—in a border-free single market—a unilateral change of asylum rules
by Germany had implications for the immigration policies of all member states. Once migrants get citizenship in one EU country, they have the right to move to any other, to work there and to claim benefits. But if free movement of people and labor come into question, so does the EU`s single market—its central achievement.
The refugee issue has for the moment, overshadowed the euro. But the problems of the single currency have not gone away. On the contrary, Greece's decision this summer to knuckle
under and accept yet another austerity package has made the Eurozone look increasingly like a trap.
Even Greece, which is profoundly unhappy with life in the Eurozone, cannot risk leaving for fear of provoking a financial and economic crisis. Creditor countries such as Germany and the Netherlands are not much happier, as they fear they are being dragged into a system of permanent fiscal transfers towards the nations of Europe. Meanwhile, efforts to make the euro work better,
by pressing ahead with a banking union, are stuck in Brussels. This does not look like a sustainable situation and the risk of euro break-up will surely return.
The refugee and euro crisis bear on whether Britain will vote to stay in the EU, when it holds a referendum in 2016 or 2017. Until recently, the opinion polls looked promising for the pro-EU camp. But the migrant crisis plays directly into the most potent issue deployed by those campaigning for Britain to leave-which is that membership of
the EU means that the UK cannot control immigration. More broadly, the British are less likely to stay inside an organization that seems to be failing. If they vote to leave, the sense of crisis
within the EU would then mount--raising the possibility of further defections.
A partial unravelling and marginalization of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse. But even if an organization called the European Union continues to exist--- running buildings and paying salaries---it risks becoming increasingly irrelevant.

If the Britain's Labor Party is led by a far-left Eurosceptic candidate, what would most likely happen?

A. He would choose to stay in the EU.
B. He would work with other members of EU to respond to the problems EU faces.
C. He would open borders to offer asylum to refugees.
D. He would probably hasten the exit of UK from EU.

参考答案

参考解析
解析:据题干中的Labor Party 和far-left eurosceptic 定位到文章第三段最后一句话,又根据第四段,由于感到危机愈演愈烈而欧盟无力应对,各成员国愈来愈倾向于采取单边行动,甚至彻底脱离欧盟。可知这样一位工党领袖会加速英国脱欧。选D。
更多 “With a sense of crisis mounting and the EU unable to respond, countries will be increasingly inclined to act unilaterally or even---in the case of Britain--leave the bloc altogether. The refugee crisis is already threatening cherished ideas about open borders. In the past couple of days, Germany has reimposed frontier controls with Austria---which, in turn, has imposed controls at its border with Hungary, which itself is working feverishly to complete a barbed-wire fence to protect its frontier with non-EU Serbia. Controls have been tightened on the French-Italian borders, while migrants camp miserably in Calais, hoping to cross to England. If the EU somehow gets a grip on the migrant crisis, these measures might be no more than temporary expedients. But if the pressure of would-be refugees heading for Europe remain intense, then temporary measures could harden into permanent controls. Questions marks over open borders will easily shade into wider issues about access to welfare systems and labor markets. That is because EU countries are realizing that—in a border-free single market—a unilateral change of asylum rules by Germany had implications for the immigration policies of all member states. Once migrants get citizenship in one EU country, they have the right to move to any other, to work there and to claim benefits. But if free movement of people and labor come into question, so does the EU`s single market—its central achievement. The refugee issue has for the moment, overshadowed the euro. But the problems of the single currency have not gone away. On the contrary, Greece's decision this summer to knuckle under and accept yet another austerity package has made the Eurozone look increasingly like a trap. Even Greece, which is profoundly unhappy with life in the Eurozone, cannot risk leaving for fear of provoking a financial and economic crisis. Creditor countries such as Germany and the Netherlands are not much happier, as they fear they are being dragged into a system of permanent fiscal transfers towards the nations of Europe. Meanwhile, efforts to make the euro work better, by pressing ahead with a banking union, are stuck in Brussels. This does not look like a sustainable situation and the risk of euro break-up will surely return. The refugee and euro crisis bear on whether Britain will vote to stay in the EU, when it holds a referendum in 2016 or 2017. Until recently, the opinion polls looked promising for the pro-EU camp. But the migrant crisis plays directly into the most potent issue deployed by those campaigning for Britain to leave-which is that membership of the EU means that the UK cannot control immigration. More broadly, the British are less likely to stay inside an organization that seems to be failing. If they vote to leave, the sense of crisis within the EU would then mount--raising the possibility of further defections. A partial unravelling and marginalization of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse. But even if an organization called the European Union continues to exist--- running buildings and paying salaries---it risks becoming increasingly irrelevant. If the Britain's Labor Party is led by a far-left Eurosceptic candidate, what would most likely happen? A. He would choose to stay in the EU. B. He would work with other members of EU to respond to the problems EU faces. C. He would open borders to offer asylum to refugees. D. He would probably hasten the exit of UK from EU.” 相关考题
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考题 With a sense of crisis mounting and the EU unable to respond, countries will be increasingly inclined to act unilaterally or even---in the case of Britain--leave the bloc altogether. The refugee crisis is already threatening cherished ideas about open borders. In the past couple of days, Germany has reimposed frontier controls with Austria---which, in turn, has imposed controls at its border with Hungary, which itself is working feverishly to complete a barbed-wire fence to protect its frontier with non-EU Serbia. Controls have been tightened on the French-Italian borders, while migrants camp miserably in Calais, hoping to cross to England. If the EU somehow gets a grip on the migrant crisis, these measures might be no more than temporary expedients. But if the pressure of would-be refugees heading for Europe remain intense, then temporary measures could harden into permanent controls. Questions marks over open borders will easily shade into wider issues about access to welfare systems and labor markets. That is because EU countries are realizing that—in a border-free single market—a unilateral change of asylum rules by Germany had implications for the immigration policies of all member states. Once migrants get citizenship in one EU country, they have the right to move to any other, to work there and to claim benefits. But if free movement of people and labor come into question, so does the EU`s single market—its central achievement. The refugee issue has for the moment, overshadowed the euro. But the problems of the single currency have not gone away. On the contrary, Greece's decision this summer to knuckle under and accept yet another austerity package has made the Eurozone look increasingly like a trap. Even Greece, which is profoundly unhappy with life in the Eurozone, cannot risk leaving for fear of provoking a financial and economic crisis. Creditor countries such as Germany and the Netherlands are not much happier, as they fear they are being dragged into a system of permanent fiscal transfers towards the nations of Europe. Meanwhile, efforts to make the euro work better, by pressing ahead with a banking union, are stuck in Brussels. This does not look like a sustainable situation and the risk of euro break-up will surely return. The refugee and euro crisis bear on whether Britain will vote to stay in the EU, when it holds a referendum in 2016 or 2017. Until recently, the opinion polls looked promising for the pro-EU camp. But the migrant crisis plays directly into the most potent issue deployed by those campaigning for Britain to leave-which is that membership of the EU means that the UK cannot control immigration. More broadly, the British are less likely to stay inside an organization that seems to be failing. If they vote to leave, the sense of crisis within the EU would then mount--raising the possibility of further defections. A partial unravelling and marginalization of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse. But even if an organization called the European Union continues to exist--- running buildings and paying salaries---it risks becoming increasingly irrelevant. The underlined sentence in the last paragraph“A partial unravelling and marginalization of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse.” tells us that ___. A. EU might disappear overnight. B. If effective measures are taken, EU may escape the fate of collapse. C. EU may disintegrate gradually and be less influential. D. It is highly possible that EU will face a full-scale collapse rather than partial unravelling and marginalization.

考题 With a sense of crisis mounting and the EU unable to respond, countries will be increasingly inclined to act unilaterally or even---in the case of Britain--leave the bloc altogether. The refugee crisis is already threatening cherished ideas about open borders. In the past couple of days, Germany has reimposed frontier controls with Austria---which, in turn, has imposed controls at its border with Hungary, which itself is working feverishly to complete a barbed-wire fence to protect its frontier with non-EU Serbia. Controls have been tightened on the French-Italian borders, while migrants camp miserably in Calais, hoping to cross to England. If the EU somehow gets a grip on the migrant crisis, these measures might be no more than temporary expedients. But if the pressure of would-be refugees heading for Europe remain intense, then temporary measures could harden into permanent controls. Questions marks over open borders will easily shade into wider issues about access to welfare systems and labor markets. That is because EU countries are realizing that—in a border-free single market—a unilateral change of asylum rules by Germany had implications for the immigration policies of all member states. Once migrants get citizenship in one EU country, they have the right to move to any other, to work there and to claim benefits. But if free movement of people and labor come into question, so does the EU`s single market—its central achievement. The refugee issue has for the moment, overshadowed the euro. But the problems of the single currency have not gone away. On the contrary, Greece's decision this summer to knuckle under and accept yet another austerity package has made the Eurozone look increasingly like a trap. Even Greece, which is profoundly unhappy with life in the Eurozone, cannot risk leaving for fear of provoking a financial and economic crisis. Creditor countries such as Germany and the Netherlands are not much happier, as they fear they are being dragged into a system of permanent fiscal transfers towards the nations of Europe. Meanwhile, efforts to make the euro work better, by pressing ahead with a banking union, are stuck in Brussels. This does not look like a sustainable situation and the risk of euro break-up will surely return. The refugee and euro crisis bear on whether Britain will vote to stay in the EU, when it holds a referendum in 2016 or 2017. Until recently, the opinion polls looked promising for the pro-EU camp. But the migrant crisis plays directly into the most potent issue deployed by those campaigning for Britain to leave-which is that membership of the EU means that the UK cannot control immigration. More broadly, the British are less likely to stay inside an organization that seems to be failing. If they vote to leave, the sense of crisis within the EU would then mount--raising the possibility of further defections. A partial unravelling and marginalization of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse. But even if an organization called the European Union continues to exist--- running buildings and paying salaries---it risks becoming increasingly irrelevant. We can infer from the passage that___. A. The idea of open borders will no longer exist. B. EU’s central achievement is its single market. C. Members in EU seem incapable of coming up with effective responses to their problems. D. To avoid sorry fates, members of EU must cooperate and take collective actions to deal with the common problems.

考题 With a sense of crisis mounting and the EU unable to respond, countries will be increasingly inclined to act unilaterally or even---in the case of Britain--leave the bloc altogether. The refugee crisis is already threatening cherished ideas about open borders. In the past couple of days, Germany has reimposed frontier controls with Austria---which, in turn, has imposed controls at its border with Hungary, which itself is working feverishly to complete a barbed-wire fence to protect its frontier with non-EU Serbia. Controls have been tightened on the French-Italian borders, while migrants camp miserably in Calais, hoping to cross to England. If the EU somehow gets a grip on the migrant crisis, these measures might be no more than temporary expedients. But if the pressure of would-be refugees heading for Europe remain intense, then temporary measures could harden into permanent controls. Questions marks over open borders will easily shade into wider issues about access to welfare systems and labor markets. That is because EU countries are realizing that—in a border-free single market—a unilateral change of asylum rules by Germany had implications for the immigration policies of all member states. Once migrants get citizenship in one EU country, they have the right to move to any other, to work there and to claim benefits. But if free movement of people and labor come into question, so does the EU`s single market—its central achievement. The refugee issue has for the moment, overshadowed the euro. But the problems of the single currency have not gone away. On the contrary, Greece's decision this summer to knuckle under and accept yet another austerity package has made the Eurozone look increasingly like a trap. Even Greece, which is profoundly unhappy with life in the Eurozone, cannot risk leaving for fear of provoking a financial and economic crisis. Creditor countries such as Germany and the Netherlands are not much happier, as they fear they are being dragged into a system of permanent fiscal transfers towards the nations of Europe. Meanwhile, efforts to make the euro work better, by pressing ahead with a banking union, are stuck in Brussels. This does not look like a sustainable situation and the risk of euro break-up will surely return. The refugee and euro crisis bear on whether Britain will vote to stay in the EU, when it holds a referendum in 2016 or 2017. Until recently, the opinion polls looked promising for the pro-EU camp. But the migrant crisis plays directly into the most potent issue deployed by those campaigning for Britain to leave-which is that membership of the EU means that the UK cannot control immigration. More broadly, the British are less likely to stay inside an organization that seems to be failing. If they vote to leave, the sense of crisis within the EU would then mount--raising the possibility of further defections. A partial unravelling and marginalization of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse. But even if an organization called the European Union continues to exist--- running buildings and paying salaries---it risks becoming increasingly irrelevant. Which one of the following statements is true? A. Greece did not want to take austerity measures but they have no choice. B. Border controls imposed by some countries will be permanent. C. If a migrant is given citizenship by Italian government, he can move freely to Germany or Serbia. D. Euro, as the single currency of EU, is unscathed with the crisis.

考题 Text 4 Will the European Union make it?The question would have sounded strange not long ago.Now even the project's greatest cheerleaders talk of a continent facing a“Bermuda triangle”of debt,population decline and lower growth.As well as those chronic problems,the EU faces an acute crisis in its economic core,the 16 countries that use the single currency.Markets have lost faith that the euro zone's economies,weaker or stronger,will one day converge thanks to the discipline of sharing a single currency,which denies uncompetitive members the quick fix of devaluation.Yet the debate about how to save Europe's single currency from disintegration is stuck.It is stuck because the euro zone's dominant powers,France and Germany,agree on the need for greater harmonization within the euro zone,but disagree about what to harmonies.Germany thinks the euro must be saved by stricter rules on borrow,spending and competitiveness,backed by quasiautomatic sanctions for governments that do not obey.These might include threats to freeze EU funds for poorer regions and EU megaprojects and even the suspension of a country's voting rights in EU ministerial councils.It insists that economic coordination should involve all 27 members of the EU club,among whom there is a small majority for freemarket liberalism and economic rigour;in the inner core alone,Germany fears,a small majority favour French interference.A“southern”camp headed by French wants something different:“European economic government”within an inner core of eurozone members.Translated,that means politicians intervening in monetary policy and a system of redistribution from richer to poorer members,via cheaper borrowing for governments through common Eurobonds or complete fiscal transfers.Finally,figures close to the France government have murmured,eurozone members should agree to some fiscal and social harmonization:e.g.,curbing competition in corporatetax rates or labour costs.It is too soon to write off the EU.It remains the world's largest trading block.At its best,the European project is remarkably liberal:built around a single market of 27 rich and poor countries,its internal borders are far more open to goods,capital and labour than any comparable trading area.It is an ambitious attempt to blunt the sharpest edges of globalization,and make capitalism benign. Regarding the future of the EU,the author seems to feel____A.pessimistic B.desperate C.conceited D.hopeful

考题 Text 4 Will the European Union make it?The question would have sounded strange not long ago.Now even the project's greatest cheerleaders talk of a continent facing a“Bermuda triangle”of debt,population decline and lower growth.As well as those chronic problems,the EU faces an acute crisis in its economic core,the 16 countries that use the single currency.Markets have lost faith that the euro zone's economies,weaker or stronger,will one day converge thanks to the discipline of sharing a single currency,which denies uncompetitive members the quick fix of devaluation.Yet the debate about how to save Europe's single currency from disintegration is stuck.It is stuck because the euro zone's dominant powers,France and Germany,agree on the need for greater harmonization within the euro zone,but disagree about what to harmonies.Germany thinks the euro must be saved by stricter rules on borrow,spending and competitiveness,backed by quasiautomatic sanctions for governments that do not obey.These might include threats to freeze EU funds for poorer regions and EU megaprojects and even the suspension of a country's voting rights in EU ministerial councils.It insists that economic coordination should involve all 27 members of the EU club,among whom there is a small majority for freemarket liberalism and economic rigour;in the inner core alone,Germany fears,a small majority favour French interference.A“southern”camp headed by French wants something different:“European economic government”within an inner core of eurozone members.Translated,that means politicians intervening in monetary policy and a system of redistribution from richer to poorer members,via cheaper borrowing for governments through common Eurobonds or complete fiscal transfers.Finally,figures close to the France government have murmured,eurozone members should agree to some fiscal and social harmonization:e.g.,curbing competition in corporatetax rates or labour costs.It is too soon to write off the EU.It remains the world's largest trading block.At its best,the European project is remarkably liberal:built around a single market of 27 rich and poor countries,its internal borders are far more open to goods,capital and labour than any comparable trading area.It is an ambitious attempt to blunt the sharpest edges of globalization,and make capitalism benign. To solve the euro problem,Germany proposed that______A.EU funds for poor regions be increased B.stricter regulations be imposed C.only core members be involved in economic coordination D.voting rights of the EU members be guaranteed

考题 Text 4 Will the European Union make it?The question would have sounded strange not long ago.Now even the project's greatest cheerleaders talk of a continent facing a“Bermuda triangle”of debt,population decline and lower growth.As well as those chronic problems,the EU faces an acute crisis in its economic core,the 16 countries that use the single currency.Markets have lost faith that the euro zone's economies,weaker or stronger,will one day converge thanks to the discipline of sharing a single currency,which denies uncompetitive members the quick fix of devaluation.Yet the debate about how to save Europe's single currency from disintegration is stuck.It is stuck because the euro zone's dominant powers,France and Germany,agree on the need for greater harmonization within the euro zone,but disagree about what to harmonies.Germany thinks the euro must be saved by stricter rules on borrow,spending and competitiveness,backed by quasiautomatic sanctions for governments that do not obey.These might include threats to freeze EU funds for poorer regions and EU megaprojects and even the suspension of a country's voting rights in EU ministerial councils.It insists that economic coordination should involve all 27 members of the EU club,among whom there is a small majority for freemarket liberalism and economic rigour;in the inner core alone,Germany fears,a small majority favour French interference.A“southern”camp headed by French wants something different:“European economic government”within an inner core of eurozone members.Translated,that means politicians intervening in monetary policy and a system of redistribution from richer to poorer members,via cheaper borrowing for governments through common Eurobonds or complete fiscal transfers.Finally,figures close to the France government have murmured,eurozone members should agree to some fiscal and social harmonization:e.g.,curbing competition in corporatetax rates or labour costs.It is too soon to write off the EU.It remains the world's largest trading block.At its best,the European project is remarkably liberal:built around a single market of 27 rich and poor countries,its internal borders are far more open to goods,capital and labour than any comparable trading area.It is an ambitious attempt to blunt the sharpest edges of globalization,and make capitalism benign. The French proposal of handling the crisis implies that______A.poor countries are more likely to get funds B.strict monetary policy will be applied to poor countries C.loans will be readily available to rich countries D.rich countries will basically control Eurobonds

考题 Text 4 Will the European Union make it?The question would have sounded strange not long ago.Now even the project's greatest cheerleaders talk of a continent facing a“Bermuda triangle”of debt,population decline and lower growth.As well as those chronic problems,the EU faces an acute crisis in its economic core,the 16 countries that use the single currency.Markets have lost faith that the euro zone's economies,weaker or stronger,will one day converge thanks to the discipline of sharing a single currency,which denies uncompetitive members the quick fix of devaluation.Yet the debate about how to save Europe's single currency from disintegration is stuck.It is stuck because the euro zone's dominant powers,France and Germany,agree on the need for greater harmonization within the euro zone,but disagree about what to harmonies.Germany thinks the euro must be saved by stricter rules on borrow,spending and competitiveness,backed by quasiautomatic sanctions for governments that do not obey.These might include threats to freeze EU funds for poorer regions and EU megaprojects and even the suspension of a country's voting rights in EU ministerial councils.It insists that economic coordination should involve all 27 members of the EU club,among whom there is a small majority for freemarket liberalism and economic rigour;in the inner core alone,Germany fears,a small majority favour French interference.A“southern”camp headed by French wants something different:“European economic government”within an inner core of eurozone members.Translated,that means politicians intervening in monetary policy and a system of redistribution from richer to poorer members,via cheaper borrowing for governments through common Eurobonds or complete fiscal transfers.Finally,figures close to the France government have murmured,eurozone members should agree to some fiscal and social harmonization:e.g.,curbing competition in corporatetax rates or labour costs.It is too soon to write off the EU.It remains the world's largest trading block.At its best,the European project is remarkably liberal:built around a single market of 27 rich and poor countries,its internal borders are far more open to goods,capital and labour than any comparable trading area.It is an ambitious attempt to blunt the sharpest edges of globalization,and make capitalism benign. The EU is faced with so many problems that_____A.it has more or less lost faith in markets B.even its supporters begin to feel concerned C.some of its member countries plan to abandon euro D.it intends to deny the possibility of devaluation

考题 The European Union(EU)is an organization of 15()that promotes cooperation among its members.A.European countriesA、European countriesB、developed countriesC、Western European countriesD、Southern European countries

考题 单选题Northern Ireland ______.A has a relatively minor problem with unemployment.B is enduring great economic loss at the moment.C is receiving more aid from EU.D is economically better off than the eastern European countries.

考题 单选题The European Union(EU)is an organization of 15()that promotes cooperation among its members.A.European countriesA European countriesB developed countriesC Western European countriesD Southern European countries

考题 单选题What happened to many East Asian countries in 1999?A They adopted a number of expansionary policies.B There was remarkable progress of structural reforms.C They were still hard-hit by the 1997 currency crisis.D They still received little foreign direct investment.

考题 单选题The financial crisis of l997—1998 ______.A has made many people in the poorer countries homelessB has stayed on for many yearsC has a lasting impact on the poorer countriesD is a thing of the past

考题 问答题Q7: Do you think it will become increasingly common for companies to relocate some activities to other countries? (Why?/Why not?)

考题 单选题NEWS BROADCAST 1  Questions 6 and 7 are based on the following news. At the end of the news item, you will be given 20 seconds to answer the questions.   Now listen to the news. Greek bonds is downgraded as junk status becauseA share prices in New York and London fell by over 2%.B the Greek debt crisis could spread to other countries.C the bond holders may not be repaid in full.D Greek bonds could trigger a financial crisis.

考题 单选题Some developed countries are trying to _____ the serious problems resulting from the energy crisis.A step upB cope withC cut offD end up

考题 问答题Treading the world stage  Yet this is not a time for the usual Brussels name game. The idea of a permanent president of the European Council was resisted by many smaller countries. But now it is being created, it would be ludicrous to fill it with a minor figure; a Juncker or a Schüssel. To the outside world—India or China, say—the president will speak for Europe. If the EU wants to be a serious global actor, that points to a world figure. Unless Ms Merkel steps forward, which is improbable, the only such person in the running is Mr. Blair.  And there are two other arguments for him. First, he would disprove the notion that senior EU people must come from countries that join in all EU policies, including the euro, defence and justice and home affairs.This line was used to block Chris Patten as a commission president in 2004. But in an increasingly multispeed Europe, it would rule out nominees from more than half the EU countries. The EU president will not represent his government—indeed, though Mr. Brown says he backs Mr. Blair, few believe he is wholly sincere. If the criterion is “Europeanness”, France, Italy and Germany should be disqualified as they are the worst offenders when it comes to breaching EU rules. Europe might end up being run only by Belgians and Luxembourgeois.  Mr. Blair has a second advantage: he would remind the notoriously sceptical British that they are important players. This worked only up to a point with Roy Jenkins as commission president in the late 1970s. Three decades on, a British EU president would give pause to those who maintain that Britain never has any influence in Brussels. As one top Eurocrat sums it up, “the boldest choice for Europe would be the three Bs: Blair, Barroso and Bildt.” If it works in classical music, why not for Europe?

考题 单选题The following contribute to the expected 4% “real terms” deficit EXPECT the fact that ______.A industry has provided less cost fundingB staffing costs has risen too fastC global economy crisis has occurredD some countries have overtaken the UK in terms of investment in higher education